Yitzhak Rabin - Wikipedia
Today, few Israelis meet West Bankers, West Bankers don't meet Gazans, and I connect the Oslo accords to Yitzhak Rabin and to Arafat and . Palestinians stand atop the biblical tomb of Joseph in the West Bank town of. Mohammed Yasser Abdel Rahman Abdel Raouf Arafat al-Qudwa al-Husseini popularly known In Arafat received the Nobel Peace Prize, together with Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, for the negotiations at Oslo. . Urabi had been chairing a meeting to ease tensions between Arafat and Palestinian Liberation. For Mr. Clinton, whose popularity soared last fall after Mr. Rabin and Yasir Arafat shook hands on the White House lawn, the meeting between.
They lived there with their uncle Salim Abul Saud for four years. Intheir father recalled them to be taken care of by their older sister, Inam.Israel/Gaza - Arafat's Condolences Over Rabin
Arafat had a deteriorating relationship with his father; when he died inArafat did not attend the funeral, nor did he visit his father's grave upon his return to Gaza. Arafat's sister Inam stated in an interview with Arafat's biographer, British historian Alan Hart, that Arafat was heavily beaten by his father for going to the Jewish quarter in Cairo and attending religious services.
When she asked Arafat why he would not stop going, he responded by saying that he wanted to study Jewish mentality. However, instead of joining the ranks of the Palestinian fedayeenArafat fought alongside the Muslim Brotherhoodalthough he did not join the organization.
He took part in combat in the Gaza area which was the main battleground of Egyptian forces during the conflict. In earlythe war was winding down in Israel's favor, and Arafat returned to Cairo from a lack of logistical support.
During his first year as president of the union, the University was renamed Cairo University after a coup was carried out by the Free Officers Movement overthrowing King Farouk I.
By that time, Arafat had graduated with a bachelor's degree in civil engineering and was called to duty to fight with Egyptian forces during the Suez Crisis ; however, he never actually fought.
Her mother introduced her to him in France, after which she worked as his secretary in Tunis. Mohammed Abdel Rahman was his first name, Abdel Raouf was his father's name and Arafat his grandfather's.
Al-Qudwa was the name of his tribe and al-Husseini was that of the clan to which the al-Qudwas belonged. The al-Husseini clan was based in Gaza and is not related to the well-known al-Husayni clan of Jerusalem. During the early s, Arafat adopted the name Yasser, and in the early years of Arafat's guerrilla career, he assumed the nom de guerre of Abu Ammar. Both names are related to Ammar ibn Yasirone of Muhammad 's early companions. Although he dropped most of his inherited names, he retained Arafat due to its significance in Islam.
Arafat originally attempted to obtain a visa to Canada and later Saudi Arabiabut was unsuccessful in both attempts.
There he encountered two Palestinian friends: Both would later become Arafat's top aides. Abu Iyad traveled with Arafat to Kuwait in late ; Abu Jihad, also working as a teacher, had already been living there since The exact date for the establishment of Fatah is unknown.
Inthe group's existence was attested to in the pages of a Palestinian nationalist magazine, Filastununa Nida al-Hayat Our Palestine, The Call of Lifewhich was written and edited by Abu Jihad.
This differed from other Palestinian political and guerrilla organizations, most of which firmly believed in a united Arab response. He did not want to alienate them, and sought their undivided support by avoiding ideological alliances. However, to establish the groundwork for Fatah's future financial support, he enlisted contributions from the many wealthy Palestinians working in Kuwait and other Arab states of the Persian Gulfsuch as Qatar where he met Mahmoud Abbas in Arafat continued this process in other Arab countries, such as Libya and Syria.
Fatah had approximately three hundred members by this time, but none were fighters. Fatah's manpower was incremented further after Arafat decided to offer new recruits much higher salaries than members of the Palestine Liberation Army PLAthe regular military force of the Palestine Liberation Organization PLOwhich was created by the Arab League in On 31 December, a squad from al-AssifaFatah's armed wing, attempted to infiltrate Israel, but they were intercepted and detained by Lebanese security forces.
Several other raids with Fatah's poorly trained and badly-equipped fighters followed this incident. Some were successful, others failed in their missions. Arafat often led these incursions personally.
Urabi had been chairing a meeting to ease tensions between Arafat and Palestinian Liberation Front leader Ahmed Jibrilbut neither Arafat nor Jibril attended, delegating representatives to attend on their behalf.
Urabi was killed during or after the meeting amid disputed circumstances. On the orders of Defense Minister Hafez al-Assada close friend of Urabi, Arafat was subsequently arrested, found guilty by a three-man jury and sentenced to death.
However, he and his colleagues were pardoned by President Salah Jadid shortly after the verdict. In the resulting skirmish, scores of Jordanian security forces were killed and homes razed. This raid was one of several factors that led to the Six-Day War. Although Nasser and his Arab allies had been defeated, Arafat and Fatah could claim a victory, in that the majority of Palestinians, who had up to that time tended to align and sympathize with individual Arab governments, now began to agree that a 'Palestinian' solution to their dilemma was indispensable.
Barely a week after the defeat, Arafat crossed the Jordan River in disguise and entered the West Bank, where he set up recruitment centers in Hebronthe Jerusalem area and Nablusand began attracting both fighters and financiers for his cause. Yahya Hammuda took his place and invited Arafat to join the organization. Fatah was allocated 33 of seats of the PLO Executive Committee while 57 seats were left for several other guerrilla factions.
Battle of Karameh ThroughoutFatah and other Palestinian armed groups were the target of a major Israeli army operation in the Jordanian village of Karamehwhere the Fatah headquarters—as well as a mid-sized Palestinian refugee camp —were located.
The town's name is the Arabic word for 'dignity', which elevated its symbolism in the eyes of the Arab peopleespecially after the collective Arab defeat in The operation was in response to attacks, including rockets strikes from Fatah and other Palestinian militias, within the Israeli-occupied West Bank.
Though advised by a sympathetic Jordanian Army divisional commander to withdraw his men and headquarters to the nearby hills, Arafat refused,  stating, "We want to convince the world that there are those in the Arab world who will not withdraw or flee. The goal of the invasion was to destroy Karameh camp and capture Yasser Arafat in reprisal for the attacks by the PLO against Israeli civilians, which culminated in an Israeli school bus hitting a mine in the Negev, killing two children.
On a tactical level, the battle went in Israel's favor  and the destruction of the Karameh camp was achieved.
25 years after Oslo, HBO shows behind scenes account, with final Peres interview
However, his allies—as well as Israeli intelligence —confirm that he urged his men throughout the battle to hold their ground and continue fighting. With mass applause from the Arab worldfinancial donations increased significantly, and Fatah's weaponry and equipment improved.
The group's numbers swelled as many young Arabs, including thousands of non-Palestinians, joined the ranks of Fatah. Arafat was elected chairman on 4 February. After their proclaimed victory in the Battle of Karameh, Fatah and other Palestinian militias began taking control of civil life in Jordan. They set up roadblocks, publicly humiliated Jordanian police forces, molested women and levied illegal taxes—all of which Arafat either condoned or ignored.
Interview: Bill Clinton | Politics | The Guardian
However, in order to avoid a military confrontation with opposition forces, Hussein dismissed several of his anti-PLO cabinet officials, including some of his own family members, and invited Arafat to become Deputy Prime Minister of Jordan. With trademark Diet Coke in hand, Clinton rattles off the details of the Israel-Palestine conflict as confidently as he did when he was leading the global effort to end it.
Percentages of territory, death tolls on both sides - he is a walking database. It's hardly a surprise. The attempt to make peace between Israelis and Palestinians was one of the constant threads of his presidency, bringing one of its greatest successes - the handshake between Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat on the White House lawn - and a lethal failure, the ill-fated peace talks at Camp David in My Life is full of fond reminiscences of the early days of that effort: But he also details the deterioration of the process, giving his account of the Camp David debacle that led to the outbreak of the intifada that still rages.
Clinton's version is that Israel's Ehud Barak was ready to make enormous concessions but that Arafat was not able to "make the final jump from revolutionary to statesman Just before Clinton left office, Arafat thanked him for all his efforts and told the president he was a great man. I am a failure, and you have made me one. No, he says, President Bush and Ariel Sharon make a mistake if they think they can ignore the veteran Palestinian leader.
He won't let that happen. Sidelining Arafat completely is, even according to a man who has good reason to resent him, not an option.
All this comes in long, detailed answers - often delving into deep history, with a detour on the way - structured into "three main goals" or "four reasons". Suddenly you understand why the Clinton White House - especially in the new president's first few months - became notorious as a talking shop, with policymaking meetings turning into late-night "bull" sessions. The habit extended to Clinton's dealings with world leaders: This is a man who can talk.
But at times there are also flashes of what, the previous night, one supporter had called "a hideous indiscipline".
Rabin and Arafat sign accord for Palestinian self-rule - HISTORY
He was speaking about Clinton's impromptu post-movie appearance on stage, intended to last no more than 10 or so minutes, but stretching to an often-rambling There was the same mix of intellectual brilliance - a riff summarising the entire sweep of American political history - and looser passages where he almost seemed to lose the thread. Four years out of office, the former president had seemed a bit like a prize fighter no longer quite at his peak. But here he is, now, wielding perfect recall and a searching anaylsis.
What of Sharon's plan unilaterally to withdraw from the Gaza Strip? The idea that Israel as the stronger partner One is I don't think it should be done in a way that humiliates the Palestinians. If they're going to do it, they ought to just do it and do it in a dignified manner. Figure out what to do with the settlers and settlements, and if America needs to help financially to relocate them, then we ought to do that, whatever needs to be done.
Now if you will give me security and give up the [Palestinian refugees'] right of return' - as Arafat's already said he would do when he accepted my parameters - 'if you will do these things and work with us in good faith, more will follow.
He recognises that this might not be how Sharon sees it; the former president admits that the Israeli PM still regards the West Bank as crucial to Israel - a view not shared by Rabin or Barak or, he adds, himself. Either way, Israel has to act. Clinton explains that continued occupation is a "loser" for Israel. If they do let them vote then they won't be a Jewish state after a while. Besides, "I still think there's a deal to be had. George Bush reckoned the biggest security issues he would face would be national missile defence and Iraq.
Yet when we ask the former president about Iraq, his answer is not so straightforward. The unkind would say it is confused, or at least political - designed to stay firmly on the fence.
On the one hand, he says, he would have acted like Kerry. That much might comfort the pro-war camp. But opponents will also find much to cheer in Clinton's remarks. I don't think Iraq had the capability to pull it off.
Clinton's wariness of US engagement in Iraq had another source. There is more than one way to pursue that objective. He's at pains to tell "British readers" how they should understand the nature of Blair's dilemma. Nevertheless, asked if the "special relationship" was strong enough to bear a British prime minister speaking his mind frankly on issues that divided the two countries, he answers with an immediate and unequivocal: If he says, 'Well, the UN didn't ratify this' and he walks away, it makes Europe happy but it imperils the transatlantic alliance and it still doesn't do anything to strengthen the UN.
If he stays with President Bush - at a minimum, he's gonna have to do something about whatever it is there on the WMD side, and he gives himself the chance to be the person who put the transatlantic alliance back together - and he hasn't hurt the UN any more than it's going to be hurt anyway.
There's no good answer, this is the less bad alternative. He's for the Kyoto accord on climate change and has done far more than America has to meet his targets. So I don't think it's quite fair to see all of his foreign policy through the lens of Iraq. So I always thought Major never got enough credit for what he did on Ireland. He had a weaker hand to play than Margaret Thatcher in her heyday and I thought he played it about as well as he could. He wasn't politically able to say anything good about it, even if he thought it had any merit.
For days he refused to take my phone calls. The press reported I was mad at him [over allegations that the Major team had helped George Bush's campaign, by seeking to dig up dirt on Clinton from British files relating to Clinton's two-year stint at Oxford. It had been the same night before, as he railed against Starr's pursuit of his friends and former colleagues.
Clinton's book describes his agony as "the darkest part of my inner life" was dragged into full public scrutiny - initially as he tried to outwit Rutherford Institute [a rightwing foundation] lawyers acting for Paula Jones as they delved into his personal life.
It was these lawyers who first advanced a legal definition of "sexual relations" which, in Clinton's mind, "seemed to require both a specific act and a certain state of mind on my part and did not include any act by another person. In the deposition [in which he denied "sexual relations"] I was trying to protect my family and myself from my selfish stupidity. The former president says that it was at this young age that he learned to lead "parallel lives".
My internal life was full of uncertainty, anger and a dread of ever-looming violence. No one can live parallel lives with complete success; the two have to intersect. What appalled him most was that - as he fought on many legal fronts - he also found himself lying to his family and closest supporters.
I was embarrassed and wanted to keep it from my wife and daughter. I didn't want to help Ken Starr criminalise my personal life, and I didn't want the American people to know how I'd let them down. It was like living a nightmare. Though she was right about the nature of our opposition, seeing Hillary defend me made me even more ashamed about what I had done. All I could do was tell her I was sorry I still didn't fully understand why I had done something so wrong and stupid; that understanding would come slowly, in the months of working on our relationship that lay ahead.
In the following days Hillary and Chelsea were supportive in public. In private they were barely speaking to Clinton, who was now sleeping on a couch in a small living room adjoining the couple's bedroom. He describes an ever more bitter fight between the right and the left over the role of government, a picture complicated by the rise of the fundamentalist Christian right.
He argues that, rather than fight on ideology, the right increasingly targets the personal lives of progressive public figures, whom they genuinely believe morally unfit for office. He urges Democrats to stick to arguments - which they can win - rather than personal vendettas. We ask whether, as a Christian himself, he had been able to forgive Starr.
She lived next to a Hutu couple. Their children played together for 10 years. The couple rat 'em out. They come and crack her across the back with a machete and she's left for dead. She wakes up in a pool of blood and looks around and her husband and her six children are dead. She's the only survivor. And she said, 'I screamed at God for letting me live with all them dead and then I realised I must have been spared for some purpose.
It could not be something as mean as vengeance. What I went through was a tea party compared to that woman. I lost nothing compared to what she did. You know, I had my reputation in tatters, I was bankrupted, I was enraged because other people were persecuted who were completely innocent. He told me he forgave his oppressors because if he didn't they would have destroyed him. They took the best years of my life, I didn't get to see my children grow up. They destroyed my marriage.
They abused me physically and mentally. They could take everything except my mind and heart. Those things I would have to give away and I decided not to give them away.